Home Unbreak The News Lok Sabha Elections 2024: Will the Elections Be Free and Fair?

Lok Sabha Elections 2024: Will the Elections Be Free and Fair?

Lok Sabha Elections 2024: Assessing the Integrity of India's Electoral Process Ahead of the 2024 General Elections.

ByPrema Sridevi
New Update

"The daunting challenges in conducting free and fair elections are four-fold, the 4Ms: muscle, money, misinformation, and Model Code of Conduct (MCC) violations," said the Chief Election Commissioner Rajiv Kumar recently while addressing the media while revealing the dates of the Lok Sabha elections 2024. He also emphasised that all efforts will be made by the EC to deal with these disruptive challenges to ensure that the election is conducted in a free and fair manner, providing an equal level playing field for all stakeholders involved. However, the question remains: Will the 2024 elections in India be free and fair in light of the recent developments?

In the view of American political scientist Robert Alan Dahl, an election can be deemed free and fair when coercion is notably rare. According to this definition, which is widely accepted as a standard description of “free and fair elections” worldwide, much importance needs to be given to political freedoms and fair processes in the lead-up to voting, as well as ensuring a fair count of eligible voters who participate in the electoral process. This includes addressing issues such as electoral fraud and voter suppression. Moreover, the acceptance of election results by all parties is crucial in upholding the integrity of the electoral process, according to Dahl.

However, in India, the recent electoral bonds case unequivocally demonstrates the influence of money and muscle wielded by those in power to secure donations from companies to perpetuate their political agendas. Even before the partial disclosures by the State Bank of India (SBI) to the Election Commission of India (ECI), the media had consistently been reporting about how  BJP had secured the largest share of funding among all political parties through electoral bonds. However, post the disclosures, what is particularly interesting is the role regional political parties played as they amassed hundreds of crores of rupees from donors. Collectively, all these political parties made a mockery of democracy. 

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The influence of money and muscle power is evident in the funding patterns of many of these political parties, where the timing and nature of many of these donations suggest coercion being exerted on the donors. It's plausible that some companies were subjected to undue pressure, including blackmail, threats, and intimidation, leading them to make donations to political parties against their will.

In the electoral bonds case, it appears that the majority of the media, industry bodies, political parties, and top-notch companies are aligned on one side, while on the opposite end of the spectrum stands the disenfranchised voter - the taxpayer - whose authority has been undermined by those in power. Mainstream media, particularly television, has played an egregious role, seemingly relinquishing their integrity to align with those in power. The manner in which prominent industry bodies such as Assocham, FICCI, and CII attempted to intervene in Supreme Court proceedings to oppose pleas for disclosure of the invisible alphanumeric numbers on electoral bonds once again shows the formidable alignment of political power, money, corporate interests, and media against the rights of citizens.

The narrative of muscle power extends beyond the realm of political party funding to a larger issue - the decaying of institutional autonomy. "Look how the SBI has been conducting itself. The SBI had to be persuaded at every stage to share information. If you see the sequence of events in the Electoral Bonds case, we saw the very unsavoury spectacle of how the SBI’s lawyer was trashed by the Supreme Court in a manner that we have not seen in the recent past. It clearly shows how much pressure has been exerted on the SBI to not reveal the information and delay it as much as it can, at least until the elections are over," said Sanjay Kapoor, senior journalist and Editor of Hardnews magazine, in an interview with me. 

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Drawing from his extensive experience covering elections, Kapoor recounts a troubling incident of witnessing electoral malpractice firsthand at a polling booth in Haryana. He recalls being physically removed from the premises after observing ballot stuffing by a political party. Voicing concerns regarding the forthcoming seven-phased election, he says there is a far greater likelihood of widespread electoral malpractice when the Lok Sabha elections 2024 is staggered in multiple phases. 

"BJP has the maximum resources. So, it is possible for them to conduct their elections better than the opposition, which has far fewer resources. Therefore, it serves the interests of the ruling party to have an election staggered in seven phases. Who will monitor the movement of the EVMs from one location to another? Who will provide security for all the EVMs over such an extended period until the final date of counting? These are all crucial questions that need to be addressed," remarks Kapoor. There have also been a lot of misgivings regarding the EVMs and their misuse. However, recently, the Supreme Court dismissed petitions that alleged irregularities in their functioning. 

It is noteworthy that in 2023, Professor Sabyasachi Das of Ashoka University resigned amidst a political controversy surrounding one of his research papers titled "Democratic Backsliding in the World’s Largest Democracy." His paper identified and analysed an electoral anomaly observed during the 2019 general elections in India. The incumbent party won disproportionately more seats than it lost in closely contested constituencies. To investigate whether this was a result of electoral manipulation or effective campaigning by the ruling party, the researcher employed regression discontinuity design and other methodologies on several distinct datasets to examine endogenous sorting of closely contested election constituencies across the win margin threshold. The result suggested a pattern that pointed towards electoral manipulation rather than the effective campaigning theory. The matter was brushed under the carpet by a large section of the media. 

While 2019 is now history, the question of whether the Lok Sabha elections 2024 be free and fair still remains uncertain. However, what we know so far is that political parties are preparing for campaigning with much of the funds received from donors, some of whom may have contributed willingly in anticipation of favours, while others may have been coerced under threat. A large part of this money will be deployed to sway votes from the citizens. What we also know is, despite the scorching summer sun, millions of voters across India will venture out to exercise their right to vote. As we endure the heat while queuing to cast our ballots, our collective hope is that every citizen making their choice is well-informed. Even if just for a brief period on this polling day, the future of our democracy will be in our hands.

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Baghpat Bonded Labourer Breaks Silence

Baghpat bonded labourer breaks his silence in this episode of Unbreak the News with Prema Sridevi. He speaks up about the botched rescue operation of bonded labourers in Uttar Pradesh.

ByPrema Sridevi
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Baghpat Rescue Operation Raises Serious Questions

Joining me today on this episode of Unbreak the News is Surender Kumar. Surender is a rescued bonded labourer from Baghpat in Uttar Pradesh. He, along with 17 others—including women and children—was forced to work at a brick kiln in Baghpat district under inhumane conditions. When the exploitation became unbearable, Surender secretly wrote a letter to the District Magistrate of Baghpat on February 22, 2025.

Following his letter, a rescue team was dispatched by the district administration on February 25 to free the 18 bonded labourers. But what unfolded that day was deeply disturbing. Surender told The Probe that the rescue team—comprising three government officials—forced the labourers to sign blank documents. Shockingly, they were then brutally assaulted by the brick kiln owners in the presence of the rescue team.

The rescue operation, though flawed, eventually led to the release of all 18 bonded labourers. However, to this day, no action has been taken against the brick kiln owners, nor against the officials involved in the rescue. The labourers have also not received their release orders or certificates—crucial documents that would have enabled them to claim compensation and access government rehabilitation schemes.

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After The Probe reported the story on March 30, 2025, an FIR was finally registered. The Sub-Divisional Magistrate (SDM) informed The Probe that release orders have been issued for all 18 bonded labourers. Yet, not a single labourer has received these orders so far. This is a harrowing tale of human rights violations and systemic injustice inflicted on some of the most marginalised members of our society—while the authorities continue to look the other way.

Let’s now speak with Surender…

Prema Sridevi: Surender ji, you wrote a letter to the District Magistrate of Baghpat. What exactly did you write in that letter?

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Surender Kumar: In that letter, I wrote that since January 3rd, 18 of us—including women and children—were being held as bonded labourers and were being forced to work at the brick kiln in Baghpat in Uttar Pradesh against our will. I requested that we be rescued and that we be given justice.

Prema Sridevi: And then a rescue operation took place. You had earlier told us that something very shocking happened during that rescue. Can you describe exactly how the rescue unfolded?

"Sign Blank Paper or Stay a Slave"

Surender Kumar: The rescue happened like this—when the rescue team from Baghpat district administration came to rescue us, they did not come to us directly. Instead, they went straight to the owner of the brick kiln who was forcing us to work. They spoke to him for quite some time. Then, along with the owner, they came to us. As soon as they met us, the rescue team officials from the government asked us to sign some blank documents. We refused. We said we can’t just sign like that—if there’s a statement, we’ll sign a statement. But they insisted. They said, “If you don’t sign, I will leave you here and won’t rescue you.”

Prema Sridevi: Who said this to you?

Surender Kumar: The labour inspector told me this. He said, “Either you sign, or I’ll leave you here and go.” Then he forcibly took our signatures on blank papers—every member of the family was made to sign.

Prema Sridevi: Can you tell us the name of that labour inspector?

Surender Kumar: Yes. His name is Arvind Madhesia. He was the labour inspector who took our signatures on all the blank documents.

Prema Sridevi: So Surendra ji, you're saying that Arvind Madhesia, a member of the rescue team, made you sign blank papers?

Surender Kumar: Yes, exactly. He told us to sign on blank papers.

Prema Sridevi: Didn’t you ask him why he was asking you to sign blank papers?

Surender Kumar: I did. I asked, “Why should we sign on a blank paper?” He replied that they were getting us freed and that our statements would be recorded later at the office. I told him that this didn’t seem right—no one works like this. But he insisted it was fine, that he would just take the signatures and hand them over to the District Magistrate of Baghpat. That’s how he tricked us into signing. And even when we refused, he said, “If you don’t sign, I’ll leave you here. And then whatever happens to you at the hands of your employer will be your problem.”

Prema Sridevi: How did the rescue finally happen? Did the team arrange vehicles for your transport? 

Surender Kumar: No. They didn’t come with a vehicle. They told us that we had to arrange vehicles for our own rescue. They said that otherwise the rescue wouldn’t happen. Then we had to make arrangements. So I made phone calls and arranged for three vehicles. We gathered our belongings—utensils, bedding, everything—from our huts and loaded them into the vehicles ourselves.

Prema Sridevi:Just to confirm—you’re saying the rescue team of three government officials came without any vehicles and told you to arrange your own transportation?

Surender Kumar: Yes, absolutely. They told us to arrange for our own vehicle if we wanted to be rescued. I had to call around to find drivers and get the vehicles myself.

Forced to Work. Beaten During Rescue. Still No Justice.

Prema Sridevi: And what happened when you were about to leave in those vehicles?

Surender Kumar: As we were about to board the vehicle, the brick kiln owner, Ravinder Rana, and his son Abhimanyu attacked us along with many other goons. They beat us with iron rods. My brother's hand was broken, and he suffered deep head injuries that required many stitches. They also hit me on the head—my head has healed now, but at the time it was serious. Women and children were injured too.

Prema Sridevi: Surendra ji, what you’re saying is supported by photos and videos that are now in the public domain, correct?

Surender Kumar: Yes. Everything is recorded. They can’t deny it happened. The visuals are out there.

Prema Sridevi: And despite this, you’re saying the system is trying to protect the brick kiln owners?

Surender Kumar: Yes. They’re trying to protect people like Ravindra Rana and Abhimanyu. What’s happening to us is wrong.

Prema Sridevi: When this assault happened, where were the members of the rescue team?

Surender Kumar: They were standing and just watching the show. We were screaming for help, but they didn’t come to our aid. They just stood there and watched us being beaten. We had to run to save our lives.

Prema Sridevi: What did you do after that?

Surender Kumar: While running, we dialed 112 and called the police. The 112 police team arrived and rescued us. They took us away from there. Then we went straight to the DM’s office.

Prema Sridevi: What happened when you reached the Baghpat DM’s office?

Surender Kumar:The DM of Baghpat wasn’t there, and no other senior official was available. We spoke to someone from the DM’s team. They just said, “Okay, okay, it’ll be taken care of.” But they didn’t listen to us properly. After that, we just returned home.

Prema Sridevi:First, we want to understand something. Later on, if authorities claim that you were just labourers and not bonded labourers, what would you say to that? How would you prove that you were not just labourers?

Surender Kumar: We were bonded labourers at that brick kiln. We have proof. I have a video showing children being forced to work, including my own children, my father, and my brother—all of them are seen working in that video. I shot that video secretly. We had been working there since January 3rd. We were not allowed to leave that place. We were kept in confinement. We have video evidence as well. 

Prema Sridevi:You mentioned that you were forced to work. Were you given any advance payment initially? And after that, were you paid for your work at all? Also, what measures were taken to stop you from leaving that place?

"They Threatened Us with Guns"

Surender Kumar: Yes, we were given some advance initially. But after that, we were not paid anything for the work we did. When we tried to leave or go somewhere else, the owner called in some local goons to guard us. Even the guards and watchmen at the kiln were told to keep watch on us. They monitored our every move. If we said we were going somewhere, they would beat us up, threaten us with guns, and say they would shoot us if we tried to escape. That’s what we went through.

Prema Sridevi:When you were finally rescued, your statement was very important. But we heard that after the rescue on the 25th, you had to repeatedly plead with the administration to get your statement recorded. Can you explain what happened?

Surender Kumar: Yes, even after we were rescued and brought back, we had to go to the DM’s office and the SP’s office. We kept requesting them to take our statement and act against the abuse we faced. But no one was ready to listen. We had to literally beg and plead. Later, we sent letters through registered post and also wrote to higher officials. Only after that did the officials visit us and record our statements. That finally happened on March 3, 2025. But the irony is that the same labour officer who had forced us to sign blank documents had come to record our statements. 

Prema Sridevi:After that, when the police registered the FIR, we noticed that many important sections were missing. Do you believe the FIR was filed properly?

Surender Kumar: When I was called to the police station to file the FIR, I went and started writing my statement myself. But the police started interfering. They told me not to write certain things and tried to censor my words. I asked them, "Whose statement is this—yours or mine?" They were threatening me, intimidating me, and forcing me to change my account. Then I called the SDM, who instructed them to record my statement properly.

Even then, none of the appropriate legal sections for bonded labour or child labour were included. The police were clearly trying to protect the owner and were showing it only as a simple case of conflict between employers and employees. They are doing everything to shield the owner.

Prema Sridevi:Even now, the brick kiln owner has not been arrested. Despite the assault taking place in front of the rescue team, there has been no action against those officers either. As you said, your statements were not registered immediately, and you still haven't received your release orders. Why do you think the administration is silent on this issue?

Surender Kumar: I believe the senior officers and the local police are working together to protect the owner. They’re trying to change the nature of the case, to show that we were not bonded labourers. That’s why we haven’t been issued release orders. Even though we were beaten, and my brother’s arm was fractured—his bone was broken—we’ve received no information or help from the authorities. They are not ready to give us our release orders, nor are they ready to arrest the owner. They are doing everything they can to protect him and change the nature of our case.

Prema Sridevi:Where are you and the 17 others who were rescued with you now? What kind of problems are you all facing?

Surender Kumar: Everyone is at home now. But they are all struggling. They can’t go out to work and earn a living because they live in constant fear. They’re scared the owner might come and abduct them from their homes. Unknown people have even come to their houses and warned them, saying if they don’t support the owner or give statements in his favour, they will be taken away. This fear lingers constantly. We keep requesting the administration to take action and arrest the owner, so that we can feel safe and get justice—but nothing is happening.

Prema Sridevi:What are your demands from the government?

Surender Kumar: My demands are simple. We want justice. What happened to us was injustice—we were held captive for two months, forced to work, even our children were made to work. We were abused and they used caste-based slurs on us. They said things like, “You belong to a lower caste, so this is the kind of work you deserve.”

We want justice for all the oppression we faced. We want the owner arrested. We want our rightful wages to be paid. But the government and administration seem unwilling to do anything.

Prema Sridevi:Thank you, Surendra ji, for speaking with us. Since we began reporting on this issue, we’ve consistently reached out to the police, SDM, and labour officers. We are with you in this fight for justice and hope that you receive justice soon. Thank you once again.

Surender Kumar: Thank you.