Home Investigations Potential ecological impacts of chemical complex near Gulf of Kutch in Gujarat ignored

Potential ecological impacts of chemical complex near Gulf of Kutch in Gujarat ignored

Local communities express strong displeasure over the environment report and protest against the chemical complex. Gujarat Heavy Chemicals Limited (GHCL) responds to The Probe on the proposed complex.

ByAyaskant Das
New Update

publive-image Mandvi beach in Gujarat | Photo courtesy: @gauravg85 | Twitter

A critical report prepared to assess the potential impacts of a chemical-manufacturing complex on the ecology of the biodiversity-rich Kutch region of Gujarat has met with stiff resistance from local communities on the grounds that it has been allegedly fudged. Barely a couple of weeks before the model code of conduct came into force in Gujarat for the state’s assembly elections to be held in early December, the ruling BJP state government conducted a public hearing for the chemical project, allegedly in a forceful manner, disregarding concerns raised by local communities on environmental issues.

It has been claimed that the government bypassed norms pertaining to the public hearing, which was held on October 17 – mandatory 15 days notice period was not served, and sections of the population to be affected by the project were left out. The project, a soda ash manufacturing unit, is proposed to be established in Bada village in Mandvi, a coastal taluka in the Kutch district, with an investment of more than Rs 3,500 crore by Gujarat Heavy Chemicals Limited (GHCL), a subsidiary company of the multibillion-dollar business conglomerate Dalmia Group. The project site is located at a distance of around 800 meters from the Arabian Sea.

A set of documents available with the Probe – obtained from the government by Kutch-based activists through RTI – reveal that the region where the manufacturing unit will be set up is rich with flora and fauna, including animals enjoying protection under Indian laws. These documents contain information which is in gross contrast to the claims put forth in the Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) report that has been prepared by the project proponent. Studies undertaken in the past by various government agencies also point to the varied ecological wealth of the region. However, the project proponent has allegedly left out these facts from the EIA report, for example, the nesting and breeding of sea turtles near the project site along the coastline of the Gulf of Kutch.

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publive-image Carcass of a sea turtle along the sea coast near Bada village in Mandvi taluka of Kutch district | Photo courtesy: Special arrangement

“The environment impact assessment report has not taken into consideration the potential adverse impacts that this project could have upon lives and livelihood of local communities, environment, wildlife and climate of the region. Several crucial facts regarding flora and fauna of the area have been deliberately left out from the report in order to ensure faster clearance while placing minimal responsibility on the project proponent as far as environment protection is concerned,” said Kutch-based environmental activist Valji Jasraj Gadhvi.

The EIA report on the website of the Gujarat Pollution Control Board (GPCB) states that no turtles were sighted in the area near the project site during the study period. In the section on the presence of reptiles near the Gulf of Kutch, the EIA report states that in the Gulf of Kutch, reptiles are mainly represented by marine turtles chelonia mydas and lepidochelys olivacea which have their breeding and spawning ground on the sandy beaches along the coast as well as on islands to its south. “No turtle, however, was sighted off Bada during the study period,” states the report.

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However, as per a study onecological profiles of all coastal talukas along the Gulf of Kutch in Gujarat, prepared by the state government in September 2014, the coast of Bada is a nesting site of the olive ridley, a species of sea turtles classified as vulnerable by the International Union for Conservation of Nature, an organisation working in the field of nature conservation and sustainable use of natural resources. The olive ridley is also listed in Appendix I of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES), a multilateral treaty for the protection of endangered species, to which India is a signatory. Appendix I of CITES lists those species which are threatened with extinction and are thereby afforded the highest levels of protection.

“Nesting site of Olive Ridley turtle at Bada, Layja Nana, and Mandvi palace beaches, 61 nests reported in 2013,” states the report titled Ecological Profile for Coastal Talukas of Gulf of Kachchh. The aforementioned study, sponsored by the Gujarat Ecology Commission, a public sector organisation under the state’s forest and environment department, had even recommended that beach tourism could be considered in the region after reviewing the turtle nesting sites.

publive-image Existing threats on the sea turtles of the Gujarat coast | Photo courtesy: GOI-UNDP Sea Turtle Project Report

Nesting of the olive ridley in the Bada area has also been confirmed in the past by yet another study undertaken through anational sea turtle conservation project. This project was being executed by the Union Ministry of Environment, Forests & Climate Change of India in association with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Ina study under this conservation project by the public sector Gujarat Institute of Desert Ecology to assess the status of the breeding population of sea turtles along the Gujarat coast, it was found that the area near Bada village in Mandvi taluka along the Gulf of Kutch had a significant density of olive ridley nesting sites. Various sections of a stretch of 83.5 km of the coastline along the Gulf of Kutch were surveyed during night hours to discover the potential nesting sites of olive ridley turtles.

“ … the beach area between Bada-Nanalayja and Nanalayja-Mandvi showed comparatively more density (1.61 and 1.69 nests/km respectively) than other stretches. Based on the diameter of 15 eggs from 5 nests, crawl width, nest depth and information from the local egg collectors, it has been confirmed that all the nests belonged to olive ridley,” states the study report prepared in May 2002.

Activists have argued that apart from human activities, seawater intake and effluent discharge system for the greenfield chemical complex will adversely impact marine ecology, including the nesting of turtles along the coast.

“The proposed project site is within the stretch from Nanalayja to Bada. As per studies, it has been ranked as the best potential site for the nesting and breeding of sea turtles. The stretch between Mandvi and Pingleshwar is the only stretch without industrial activity and, thereby, suitable for nesting turtles. If this stretch is polluted too by industrial activities, it is a matter of time before it is abandoned by turtles for nesting purposes,” said Gadhvi, adding, “The field visits for the report were carried out before and after the rainy season but not during the rainy season. Sea turtles frequently visit Bada beach. The female of the species of Green Sea Turtles and the Olive Ridley lay eggs during the rainy season, and that too only during the night.”

In reply to an RTI query by Gadhvi – a copy of which is with The Probe – the forest department of Gujarat informed in March this year that it has rescued more than 8,548 turtle eggs, between the years 2011 and 2021, from the Mandvi Forest Range area which includes Bada village. The forest department further informed that 6,905 baby turtles were successfully hatched and released back into the sea.

Earlier, too, a public hearing that was scheduled to be held in April 2022 was cancelled following massive protests over ecological concerns by local communities. Soon thereafter, local communities had written to the Gujarat government, highlighting alleged factual inaccuracies and inconsistencies in the EIA report. They presented evidence to the government authorities, in the form of photographs clicked using GPS-enabled cameras, that several species of animals, birds and plants, which are protected under laws, are found in the project site area. This included species listed for protection under Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972 as well. The names of these species include chinkaras, honey badgers, caracals, peacocks, Indian monitor lizards, black shoulder kites and marsh harriers, which are listed under Schedule I of the Act and thereby enjoy the highest levels of protection.

“More than 1,500 peacocks live in the 10-km radius around the project site. Flocks of peacocks with more than 100 males and females can be seen anytime of the year in Panchotiya village and near the temple of Astrai-vada-pir. The core area of the proposed project site is a breeding and nestling ground for peacocks during the rainy season. It is a matter of public knowledge in this region that a couple of years ago, the forest department had carried out exercises to prevent hunting of Chinkaras in the area around Bada,” they had written.

publive-image Burrows of reptiles near the project site area in Bada village of Kutch district; photograph taken by activists using GPS-enabled mobile phone camera

In contrast to the claims in the EIA report that there are not too many reptiles in the region, local communities have claimed that the area around a lake in Bada, which falls right in the middle of the proposed project site, is inhabited by a variety of reptiles including spiny-tailed lizard and Indian monitor lizards. They have further provided photographic evidence along with their letter as evidence about the presence of mangroves in the area, a fact which has been denied in the EIA report by the project proponent (See Page vii of EIA report).

As per the study, Ecological Profile for Coastal Talukas of Gulf of Kutch, the Mandvi taluka does not have a high level of industrialisation. There was only one medium-scale industry in Mandvi when the study was finalised in September 2014. With roughly 4.4 per cent of the total geographical area of Mandvi under forest cover, it has the lowest forested area amongst all six talukas studied, second only to Bhachau, in which a mere 2.72 per cent area is forested.

The study says the following about the presence of mangroves in the region: “Mangrove vegetation occurs in the intertidal zone, all along the Gulf of Kutch up to Jakhau, but is with stunted growth except mangroves in Mundra, Mandvi and Naliya talukas. The height of the mangrove ranged from 5 to 7 metres. Cher (avicenna officianalis) is the main species in these forest areas, with rhizophora mucronata interspersed. Gulf of Kutch, along with the Western Mangroves in and around Kori creek, supports the second largest mangrove area in the world.”

There have been concerns over the proposed transportation of seawater to the chemical complex using pipelines drilled underneath sand dunes on the grounds of seismicity. The stability of the sand dunes, it has been argued, will be affected by the drilling of tunnels, thereby leaving the area vulnerable to the effects of cyclones. Release of wastewater, at a temperature higher than normal, through these pipelines into the sea will deplete the fish population, thereby affecting the livelihood of fish workers, it has been alleged. It has also been alleged that the EIA report underplays the richness of avifauna in the region.

publive-image A wild hyena was reportedly captured by the forest department near Bada village of Kutch district earlier this year pointing to the presence of wild animals in the region | Photo courtesy: Special arrangement

“A total of 28 bird varieties were spotted during the fieldwork from the study area. The most common birds recorded are herons, crows, cormorants, plovers, egrets, etc., from the project vicinity,” states the EIA report.

However, the ecological study report by Gujarat Ecology Commission found at least 72 species of birds in the Mandvi taluka. Besides, concerns have also been raised over the storage of chemicals within the complex not very far from human habitations. The proposed chemical complex will include manufacturing plants to produce 11 lakh tons per annum (TPA) light soda ash, 5 lakh TPA dense soda ash and 2 lakh TPA sodium bicarbonate. It will also include a solid fuel based 120 MegaWatt captive power plant, a water purifying plant and seawater intake and effluent disposal systems apart from other facilities. The proposed complex will be spread over an area of 599.54 hectares of land, a bulk of which belongs to private individuals.

A set of queries were emailed to GHCL, asking, amongst other questions, about the reasons behind discrepancies in information on the ecology of the Bada area between the EIA report and the reports compiled, respectively, by the Gujarat Ecology Commission and Gujarat Institute of Desert Ecology. It was also asked whether GHCL had filed any application seeking CRZ clearance. In response, representatives of GHCL said they are fully committed to the concerns of the local people and that the company is a socially and environmentally conscious organisation with a lot of focus towards society and the environment.

“Our mission statement clearly outlines our purpose of responsibly maximising value for all our stakeholders, which includes society, vendors, customers, employees and investors. For society, GHCL Foundation Trust is carrying out various CSR activities in the areas of healthcare, agriculture and animal husbandry, education and skill development. More than three lakh people living around our areas of operations have been positively impacted through our various initiatives,” said GHCL in a statement.

Allegedly, notices for the public hearing were issued on 3 and 4 October, barely 13 days ahead of the day on which it took place, thereby giving local communities very less time for preparations. “The public hearing was conducted amidst huge security by putting in place riot-prevention equipment, including water cannons and teargas canisters. Cops armed with batons and guns kept patrolling the area. The hearing was conducted inside a huge tent on the project site. It was cordoned off from the rest of the area using barbed wire fencing. There was only one entry and exit point to the premises inside the fencing. No alternative entry or exit point was provided, keeping in view the safety and security of attendants in case of a possible natural calamity or disaster,” said Dhwani Shah, a Kutch-based environmental activist.

It has been alleged that though nearly 20 villages are likely to be affected by the proposed project, the district administration did not issue notices to all of them. Notices were issued only to around a dozen villages, whereas it has been highlighted in an annexure of the EIA report that the buffer area of the chemical complex mainly consists of revenue areas of 20 villages that fall within a 10-km radius of the project site.

“Majority of the land of the buffer area is occupied by the private unirrigated agriculture fields, forest area, open scrub vegetation, sandy beach, pond/ reservoir, roads & canal network, village habitations, wind turbines etc,” states the report titled, Ecological Study & Wildlife Conservation Plan for Proposed Greenfield Chemical Complex, which was submitted as a separate report to the Gujarat government by the proponent in July 2019.

However, the district administration of Kutch refuted the allegations and said that the hearing was conducted in accordance with the law. “A hearing had been scheduled earlier in April this year which had to be postponed owing to protests of local communities. They did not allow for the public hearing to take place. Allegations that the latest hearing was not adequately publicised are totally irrelevant, therefore. No rules were violated in conducting the rescheduled public hearing on October 17. The hearing went on for more than 12 hours. It began at 9 am and concluded at 11 pm. Objections, suggestions and recommendations of all people who attended the public hearing were adequately recorded,” Kutch district magistrate Dilip Rana told the Probe.

The minutes of the meeting of the public hearing held on October 17 were uploaded on the evening of November 29. The state government had entered into an MoU with the company for setting up a chemical complex in the state during the Vibrant Gujarat summit in January 2017, a few months ahead of the assembly polls held that year.

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Electoral Bonds: How RBI Continues to be Pushed to the Brink by the Government

Revealing the Disconcerting Battle Between Donor Secrecy and Democratic Transparency and the Coercion of India's Central Bank in the Electoral Bonds Saga.

ByNeeraj Thakur
New Update

Electoral Bonds scam
Electoral Bonds scam | Digital Art | Courtesy: Special arrangement 

In the realm of financial governance, the autonomy and independence of a nation's central bank are pillars of stability and credibility. However, revelations surrounding India's Electoral Bonds (EB) scheme have brought to light a disconcerting narrative—a narrative that suggests that the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), the country's apex financial institution, was pressured and continues to be forced to bend under the weight of political influence. This unfolding story exposes a troubling aspect of India's democracy, where the government's interests seem to overshadow the principles of transparency and accountability, effectively undermining the integrity of free and fair elections. 

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As the nation grapples with questions surrounding the transparency and integrity of India's electoral funding system, a ray of hope emerges from the highest echelons of our judiciary. The Supreme Court has notified a 5-Judge Bench to deliberate on the contentious issue of Electoral Bonds. This crucial case is set to be heard on October 31, and its timing couldn't be more crucial. On Tuesday, a Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court will examine a series of petitions that challenge the very essence of the Electoral Bond scheme. The bench comprises Chief Justice of India DY Chandrachud, Justices Sanjiv Khanna, BR Gavai, JB Pardiwala, and Manoj Misra. Notably, the decision to refer the matter to this 5-Judge Bench was made on October 16, when a 3-Judge Bench, consisting of the CJI, Justice JB Pardiwala, and Manoj Mishra, recognised the gravity and significance of the issues at hand. 

As the nation's highest court gears up to address this controversial issue, an unsettling development emerged recently when the Attorney General for India, R Venkataramani in a statement filed before the Supreme Court in the Electoral Bonds case said that the citizens do not have the right to information under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution pertaining to the funding of political parties. In doing so, the Attorney General has forcefully rebuffed the argument put forth by the petitioners, who stand in opposition to the Electoral Bonds scheme. These petitioners contend that citizens have a fundamental right to know the sources of funding for political parties.

These developments cast a revealing light on the priorities of the government. It vividly illustrates how the government has chosen to elevate the secrecy of donors making contributions to political parties as a priority, even at the expense of safeguarding the public's right to information. In the following story, it becomes evident that it is not just now but right from the beginning - to be precise from 2017 itself - the government has been trying to protect the anonymity of donors over upholding the principles of transparency and accountability in the electoral funding process. In this process, the RBI has been subjected to humiliation and undue pressure. Its well-considered suggestions and recommendations, aimed at upholding transparency and accountability in the Electoral Bond scheme, appear to have been casually disregarded and tossed aside. The disregard for the RBI's reservations and insistence on issuing Electoral Bonds in a manner that the central bank cautioned against raises serious questions about the respect for institutional autonomy and expertise. It also underscores the profound influence exerted by political considerations over prudent financial governance.

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In 2017, India witnessed a development that sent shockwaves through its democratic foundations - the introduction of the Electoral Bond scheme. This controversial move was tucked away within the folds of the Finance Bill, 2017, during the Union Budget for 2017-18. Then Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, in his proposal, sought to amend the Reserve Bank of India Act to pave the way for the issuance of Electoral Bonds for the purpose of political funding. Moreover, to make matters worse, political parties were granted exemption from paying income tax on the funding they received. This marked the beginning of a dark era of massive political corruption in India.

The EB scheme was presented to the public as a means of promoting transparency in political funding. However, what unfolded in reality was far from this lofty goal. Instead, it became a tool that threatened the very essence of democracy in the world's largest democracy. 

One of the most alarming aspects of the EB scheme was the secrecy surrounding it. Donors could purchase these bonds anonymously, leaving the citizens in the dark about who was financing their elected representatives. It allowed for powerful interests to influence the political landscape without accountability, ultimately undermining the democratic principles.

While the Electoral Bond scheme was introduced in 2017, its true impact didn't materialise until the Department of Economic Affairs officially notified the scheme in 2018. Since then the country witnessed a disturbing nexus between money and power with massive amounts of undisclosed funding flowing into political coffers.

“The main issue is that these are completely opaque. The EBs are being sold by the State Bank of India under its 29 branches across the country. Who buys it and which party gets the money? We don’t know. That is the whole issue. In a democratic country, we don’t know as citizens where our political parties are getting their funds. This opaque nature of the EBs has been damaging our democracy”, states Commodore Lokesh Batra, one of India’s foremost transparency activists.

The introduction of India's Electoral Bond scheme was shrouded in controversy right from the beginning and has raised serious concerns about the government's intent, particularly in its potential for massive, large-scale corruption. This intent becomes especially evident when examining the timeline of events surrounding the scheme's inception.

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On September 14, 2017, the then Governor of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), Dr Urjit Patel, expressed the RBI's preference for issuing Electoral Bonds in dematerialized (demat) form. Patel's suggestion for demat bonds was grounded in the principles of transparency and accountability. However, this advice seemed to have fallen on deaf ears.

In a letter dated September 14, 2017, Dr Patel told the then Finance Minister Arun Jaitley about the RBI’s preference for digital transactions for Electoral Bonds as opposed to physical transactions. In the letter, Patel notes: “We are concerned that the issue of EBs as bearer instruments in the manner currently contemplated has the possibility of misuse, more particularly through use of shell companies. This can subject the RBI to a serious reputational risk of facilitating money laundering transactions… For these reasons, we are keen that we put in place a robust system that minimises the reputational risk. We, therefore, brainstormed this feature in the Senior Management Team and came to the conclusion that issuing EBs in a digital form will be a superior method.”

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Letter dated September 14, 2017, written by the then RBI Governor Dr Urjit R Patel to the then Finance Minister Arun Jaitley stressing the need for digital transactions of EBs as opposed to physical transactions

In another letter dated September 27, 2017, Patel wrote to Jaitley, highlighting the RBI's concern over the government's decision to amend Section 31 of the RBI Act, despite the bank's recommendations to the contrary. Patel's letter provides a stark warning: "Now that the RBI Act has been amended, the government should in the least not authorise any other institution to issue EBs."

What is particularly alarming is Patel's assertion that issuing EBs in scrip form posed a significant risk of money laundering. He pointed out that the transfer of scrips from the original subscriber to a transferee, and subsequently to a political party for encashment, would all be conducted in cash, leaving no transaction trail. “In the process of providing anonymity to the contributor to the political party, anonymity will be provided to several others in the chain of transfer of EBs. This can render the scheme open to abuse by unscrupulous elements," wrote Patel.

Patel also noted that the moment the proposed scheme of EBs in scrip form is operationalised, there would be a possibility of that helping black money to be laundered and this would invariably expose the government and the RBI to adverse public criticism and consequent loss of goodwill for both. He asserted that the EB scheme as proposed by the government will not only be seen as facilitating money laundering but on the contrary it will be seen as intended to enable it. 

In a curious turn of events on October 5, 2017, the government defended its decision to issue Electoral Bonds in physical bearer bond form by arguing that the demat form would compromise the scheme's fundamental feature - the anonymity of donors in relation to political parties. In a letter written by Subhash Chandra Garg, Secretary, Department of Economic Affairs to RBI Governor Patel, Garg notes: “It is considered view of the government that EBs in demat form will take away the key feature of the scheme to provide anonymity of the donor vis-a-vis political parties. The fact that information of this aspect will be with the bank, would make the scheme a non-starter… It has been decided that the issuance of such bonds would be in the form of physical bearer bond form only.”

This stance raised significant questions about the government's priorities. It appeared that the administration was more concerned with safeguarding the secrecy of donors making contributions to political parties than with upholding the citizens' right to transparency regarding the funding sources of these parties. This perspective underscores a troubling aspect of the EB scheme: a seeming disregard for the principles of open democracy. The citizens of a nation have a legitimate interest in knowing who is financially supporting the political entities they vote into power.

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Letter dated October 5, 2017 written by Subhash Chandra Garg, Secretary, Department of Economic Affairs, Ministry of Finance to RBI Governor Dr Urjit R Patel 

The intense pressure on the RBI to align with the government's agenda was unmistakable, reaching a point where, in a handwritten note dated September 29, 2017, Garg, expressed in very terse words: "RBI has again emphasised the need for issuance of Electoral Bonds in demat form. This aspect was clearly addressed in DO reply from Secretary EA to Governor RBI that EBs in demat format only may take away a key feature of the scheme to protect the identity of the donor. The fact that information of donor and donee is with RBI will raise apprehensions and make the scheme a non starter.... Hence repeated apprehensions voiced by RBI appears to be a bit anachronistic at this stage. Anyways, Section 31 of the RBI Act has now been amended and it is the government's prerogative to notify the scheme for issuance of EB. The RBI is duty bound to provide detailed modalities to make the scheme operational as per the scheme notified by the government".

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Handwritten note dated September 29, 2017, by Secretary, Economic Affairs, Subhash Chandra Garg calling the RBI’s approach “anachronistic” over Electoral Bonds.

This note once again highlights a significant tension between the RBI's commitment to accountability in the electoral bond scheme and the government's apparent prioritisation of donor anonymity over the citizen’s right to know. 

What is truly shocking is that despite the RBI expressing its reservations about issuance of electoral bonds in the form of physical bearer bonds, thousands of crores of electoral bonds have been issued between 2018 and 2023 using the very same method which the RBI cautioned the government against. Commodore Batra took it upon himself to uncover this information. After obtaining responses to his Right to Information (RTI) queries, he accessed critical documents from both the Ministry of Finance and the State Bank of India.

The information he acquired has been meticulously compiled under 27 different phases, commencing from Phase 1 in March 2018 and extending to the most recent Phase 27 in July 2023. Astonishingly, it has been revealed that over these 27 phases, a staggering total of 13,791 crore, 89 lakh, and 79 thousand Electoral Bonds were sold. What's particularly noteworthy is that a staggering 94.251 percent of these bonds sold had a denomination of 1 crore each.

The government's attempt to influence and bend the central bank to its will in the matter of electoral bonds can be attributed to a complex interplay of political and financial interests. Electoral Bonds, as a method of political funding, provide a certain level of anonymity to donors. This anonymity can be appealing to those who wish to make substantial contributions to political parties without disclosing their identities. By maintaining this secrecy, political parties can receive large donations without the potential scrutiny that might accompany full transparency. This is particularly beneficial for ruling parties, as it allows them to tap into significant financial resources discreetly.

According to the analysis of the Association for Democratic reforms (ADR), the ruling BJP has gained significant financial advantage through the use of electoral bonds. Professor Jagdeep S. Chhokar, founding member of the ADR, states that the Electoral Bond scheme raises critical questions about its compatibility with the fundamental principles of a democratic system. "Free and fair elections are a part of the basic structure of the constitution. the legislature cannot legislate anything which will impede free and fair elections. So, this is completely unconstitutional and therefore the entire EB scheme has to be scrapped. Why should the identity of the donor be a secret? There has always been an apprehension that when this scheme was launched, it had the potential of choking funding to all opposition parties except the ruling party, whichever may be the ruling party. That apprehension has been proven correct repeatedly as BJP gets almost 70 percent of the donations. All other political parties put together get about 30 percent. So, how can you call this a fair system? The government is more interested in protecting the rationale for quid pro quo.”

Such a dominant share of electoral bond funding for a single political party raises several important questions and concerns. It points to a significant financial advantage that the BJP has enjoyed over other parties, potentially affecting the level playing field in Indian politics. It also underscores the need for transparency and accountability in political funding, as the source and intent of such substantial contributions may come under scrutiny.

“The conversion of black money into white has been legalised using the EB scheme. The gates have been opened for dubious money from foreign countries to come into shell companies in India and be donated to political parties thereby completely jeopardising the security and the integrity of the nation. Therefore the judiciary must step in and take a stand before it is too late,” cautions Prof Chhokar.

Given these factors, it becomes evident why the government may have sought to bend the central bank to its preferences. Ensuring that the Electoral Bond scheme continued to function in a way that protected donor anonymity and facilitated significant financial contributions to the ruling party would have been advantageous from a political standpoint.

However, this advantage comes at the expense of transparency and accountability in the political funding process. It raises concerns about the integrity of the electoral system and the influence of money in politics, as well as the potential for financial imbalances among political parties.

In the unfolding saga of India's Electoral Bond (EB) scheme, one thing remains clear: the tussle between secrecy and transparency, between political interests and democratic principles, continues to cast a long shadow over the nation's electoral funding system. As the Supreme Court gears up to hear the case, it stands at a critical crossroads where the future of transparency and accountability in Indian democracy hangs in the balance.

(With additional inputs from Inderpal Singh) 

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